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Leaders of the Federation of United African Nations
The following is a detailed list of leaders for the Federation of East African Nations. =Zelalem Wolde-Yohannes= Zelalem Wolde-Yohannes was the first President and one of the main arichtects of the Federation of East African Nations. Born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia shortly after the rise of the second Ethiopian Empire, Zelalem was born into a relatively poor family. His father was a carpenter and his mother baked at a local bakery. His years growing up in Ethiopia were during the country's transitional period when the Empire was moving towards secured independence. During these turbulent years of Zelalem's youth, Ethiopia was rocked by food shortages and power-outages almost daily. It was a troubling and difficult time for many in Ethiopia due to the country's poverty and their inability to provide their citizens with much of the basic requirements for healthy living. Many in Ethiopia with the ability to leave, left the country while the poor, including Zelalem's family, had to remain. Zelalem went to public school but at the time, Ethiopian public schools only went through the 5th grade. The Orthodox Church in Ethiopia provided secondary education but at a price. Zelalem's family did not have the money to send him. Instead, Zelalem took a job as a delivery boy for the bakery his mother worked in. This job allowed his family to earn a bit more money although their combine include was still far below the average for developed countries at the time. An avid reader and curious learner, Zelalem spent most of his free time at the library reading and self-teaching himself what he was missing from a traditional education. This continued until he was eighteen years old, on the day the Dominion invaded his country. The invasion of Ethiopia was swift, almost entirely bloodless save for the lives lost by the border guard. Like many young men of the time, Zelalem joined the Ethiopian resistance and activity participated in attacks against Dominion installations and troop barracks. Zelalem would remain in the resistance until a few days after his twenty-fifth birthday, the day the Dominion left. By the time the Dominion retreated from Africa, Zelalem had risen through the ranks of the resistance. His rise came both from fellow fighter's deaths as well as promotions due to his service. He was a Colonel in the resistance and when Ethiopia emerged from Dominion occupation, his name had become well-known. Following Dominion occupation Ethiopia renewed its nation-building process with the re-establishment of the Constitutional Monarchy that had existed before the occupation. The Empire began with the coronation of Kuestantinos III, a dedicated leader who had been educated in Europe. Kuestantinos, who understood that it would take both ambition and ingenuity rebuild Ethiopia, sought out individuals with these qualities. By this time Zelalem, who had grown tired of fighting, had left the resistance and returned home. However, it wasn't long until his name came up in many conversations between Kuestantinos and former resistance fighters that were now General's in the Imperial Army. Intrigued by the tales told of Zelalem, Kuestantinos officially invited him to the palace. Zelalem naturally accepted the invitation and had lunch with the Emperor where the two discussed the future of Ethiopia. Impressed by Zelalem, Kuestantinos offered Zelalem to become the new Prime Minister of the Empire. Zelalem, understanding it was his chance to truly make a difference, accepted the position and became the third Prime Minister of the Empire. Zelalem excelled at his position as Prime Minister, showing many of the natural leadership skills that had won him praise during his days in the resistance. On the home front Zelalem worked hard to put the average Ethiopian back to work. Diplomatically, Zelalem opened talks with the Eritreans and Djibouti, talks that would have far-reaching effects. Indeed it would come to define his life, as his role was indispensable as an author of the constitution and architect of the Federation itself. What many thought impossible, Zelalem made possible and for his role in the creation of the Federation, he would be elected as the first President. Taking the role as the first leader of the Federation meant the challenge of not only keeping the fragile alliance of nations alive, but successfully integrating the member-nations into the super-national government. This was no easy task, and Zelalem was faced with competing ideas of which direction the Federation should head from the leaders of the member-nations. However, as with any good leader, Zelalem managed these divergent ideas well and made many strides in the early years. New irrigation systems in Ethiopia's fertile transformed the country into the Federation's breadbasket. Updating industrial centers in Eritrea and improving ports in Djibouti went to enhance both nations. Diplomatically, Zelalem began relations with the Democratic Confederacy of Africa and the Republic of Porcu during his tenure. Domestically, Zelalem's administration help to reform healthcare and welfare. Zelalem also oversaw the bill which allowed all couples, no matter what sexual orientation, be allowed to marry and get marriage rights under the Civil Union Act. The Federation Tower, the symbol of the Federal government in the Federation, was constructed during his time. The Federation Military Forces were also organized and established during his administration, becoming a key tool for Federation defense as well as diplomacy. Indeed, his last few years in his first term as Secretary General, Zelalem would focus primarily on diplomacy. Through Zelalem's administration's establishment of the African Unity Organization, a Pan-African organization designed to help bring about nation-building in Africa, the Federation would eventually welcome Liberia, Burundi, Swaziland, Rwanda, and Lesotho as new member nations. Zelalem would also establish relations with the Middle Eastern nation of Semitistan, a young Federation not unlike the African Federation itself. Perhaps his biggest achievement diplomatically however, was the brokering of the Aksum Peace Accords, ending a war between Porcu and the tiny island nation of Zanzibar. Taking the island nation as a Protectorate, Zelalem had high hopes that it would become a productive independent nation in Africa. However, in the end Zanzibar would become Zelalem's embarrassment as the Peace Accords would be broke, war would erupt again between Porcu and Zanzibar, and ultimately the island nation would be taken and annexed by the Republic. In the end, Zelalem's accomplishments, though vast and various, did not seem to give the President enough public support to win a re-election. He would lose to Bahta Sherifo, the Speaker of the Federal Senate, who led a platform of African-centered policies. His election defeat and the debacle of Zanzibar would haunt Zelalem for many years after. =Bahta Sherifo= Bahta Sherifo would come into his first term in office with the shadow of the Zanzibar debacle. Though it was seen by many as the last great mistake of the Wolde-Yohannes administration, it did create some doubt throughout the Federation in the presidency and the Federal Government. This doubt from the people would only be intensified days after Sherifo's inauguration as the administration first great test would emerge. In Eritrea, elections for the then presidency coincided with the federal elections of the Federation. Among the candidates was the incumbent Umar Abdu Ahmed, an Eritrean war hero that valiantly fought in the Eritrean resistance against Dominion occupational forces. First elected President of State in an almost unanimous national vote, his electoral success in the latest national elections was claimed by his opponents, as a success only due to voter fraud. Protests soon began in Asmara, the Eritrean capital, as well as throughout the country. For Sherifo, the growing problem was a personal one not only due to the fact that he himself was an Eritrean but also due to the fact that Sherifo had served unto Ahmed during the resistance and viewed Ahmed as a father figure. In Ahmed's mind, his special friendship with the newly elected President was the culmination of political maneuvers designed to better his own power in Eritrea as well as the Federation as a whole. However, despite their close relationship, sherifo would prove that his dedication to the ideals of the Federation surpassed the friendship he had with his former mentor. Immediately following the outbreak of protests, the Federal Boundaries and Elections Administration announced their intent on holding an investigation into the allegations against the Ahmed regime. President Ahmed, fearful that the investigation would prove his voting fraud and force him to resigned, made a plea to Sherifo in order to stem the investigation. While Sherifo was incline to help his former mentor, pressure in Aksum convinced him not to intervene. Ahmed, angered by what he perceived as Sherifo betraying and abandoning him, declared that Eritrea would seceded from the Federation. With representatives recalled and their home guard activated, the Federal Assembly deemed the Ahmed decree illegal as it was not the will of the people. Devastated that the situation with Ahmed had escalated so relatively quickly, Sherifo was only now realizing the dictator Ahmed had become, despite his war-time promises of democracy and power of the people. With military aid from the Republic of Poruc, the Federation began campaigns in Eritrea which culminated in the battle of Asmara. The battles conclusion not only saw the death of President Ahmed but also the safe deactivation of a nuclear missile intended for Aksum. Though it would go down in history as the deadliest points in Federation history, the Eritrean Affair would also prompt lawmakers into making long-time constitutional changes. In a three months time following the end of hostilities, the Federal Assembly would vote almost unanimously to reorganized the memberstates of the Federation according to new constitutional guidelines. The reorganization of memberstates into Federated Republics and Federal Administrative Territories would created a greater guarantee that dictators such as Ahmed did not succeed to power again. Embarrassed, Sherifo was quick to politically distance himself from the Eritrean affair, fearful that his one-time friendship with the now deceased dictator would come back to haunt him down the road. Following the Eritrea affair, Sherifo experienced a relatively calm and productive first term in office. Domestic affairs remained peaceful and his social policies were gaining some ground. It was also during this time that the states of Saint Helena, Ascension island, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi, Lesotho, and Swaziland who'd voted to join the Federation through national referendums during the Wolde-Yohannes administration, finalized their transition and signed the constitution, making them full-fledged members. The signing was perhaps the pinnacle of the Sherifo Administration's first term in office. With the new members the Federal Assembly also voted on the construction of a new national flag. A contest was held and after much debate, a finalize version of a new flag was voted on. Symbolizing the new states of the Federation, the flag was quickly adopted. Beyond the disaster of the Eritrean Affair, the only other topic of debate over the effectiveness of Sherifo's first term in office came to his administration's handling of Foreign Affairs. A man who'd run on a primarily domestic-centered platform, the President had done little to further the Federation's foreign agenda. His opponents during the midterm elections were quick to point this out as well as point out the correlation of this to the stagnation of the economy that was developing at that time. Going into his midterm election Sherifo was quick to give a public face of confidence but in truth, privately he was greatly concerned that the Eritrean Affair as well as his failures in the Foreign and Economic sectors were cost him a chance at a second term, forcing him to become the second Federal President to serve only once. Though privately, Sherifo had doubts over his ability to secure a second term, those doubts were soon washed away when the votes of the midterm election were finally counted. Though it had been an extremely close race between himself as his closest opponent, Angela Defar, Sherifo managed to capture the election by a small margin. The electoral success Sherifo experienced re-energized the President and his first 100 days in office soon set an upbeat and successful tone for the rest of his second term. Recognizing his shortcomings in international affairs, Sherifo openned diplomatic relations with the Wallace Islands in Asia, opening new markets for African goods. He also sent ambassadors to Libya, opening diplomatic relations with the newly independent nation following the Roman Empire's collapse. Looking to also strengthen his relationship with current allies, Sherifo also made a diplomatic visit to Porcu where the two nations reaffirmed their relationship. His diplomatic success only foreshadowed the economic gains the Federation began experiencing afterwards. In all respects, President Sherifo's second term in office is seen by many, as his most successful. Also during this last term, the Sherifo Administration began working on exploring nuclear power in the Federation as well as began the process of beginning a Federal Space Program. While his successes fair outweighed his failures during his second term in office, Sherifo would be forced to leave office with one final project uncompleted. Nearing the end of his second term, the Federation was at the forefront of an importance international crisis. Following the expansion of the CMESS into the Anatolian wilds, the CMESS along with their allies of the Scythirian Empire found themselves at military odds with the Republic of Porcu. Hoping to aide the Republic as they had aided the Federation, President Sherifo authorized the Foreign Secretariat the attempt to negotiated a peace between the three nations. Acting as mediator, the Federation's envoy was sent to Yozgat in hopes of bringing about a peaceful end to the stand-off. While Federation hopes for peace were high, these dreams were quickly dashed when terrorists struck the CMESS capital with a nuclear bomb. The destruction of Trebizond brought a quick end to the negotiations as anarchy instigated by the terrorists began to spread throughout the CMESS. The Federation, while provided humanitarian aid to the CMESS, was forced to recall its envoy. Following a second attack, this time in Savannah, the Federation's focus soon changed from peace negotiations to defending itself against this new international threat. Thus, while Sherifo was hopeful to be credited with championing international peace he, much like his predecessor, was force to end his political career short of his goal. While judged as a successful president, Sherifo would leave office at a time of great fear in the Federation. Fear that international terrorists could attempt attack the Federation. While worried over these concerns, Sherifo realized that the ultimate decision would lay with his successor. =Angela Defar= Angela Defar would make several presidential and historical first in the Federation of United African Nations. Perhaps her very first was to be the first female to win the presidency in the young history of the Federation itself. That alone had many looking fondly at the coming years of the Defar administration believing that it would be one of profound change and advancement for the African people. She shaped the course of her presidency within the first 100 days she was in office as one who was wiling to reach across growing political lines to get things done in the Federation. She did this first and foremost with the appointment of her political rival Zera Nuru as head of the Foreign Affairs Secretariat. This would a bold move given how politically divided the two had seemed on the campaign trail. However, as the years would progress in the Defar Presidency both women found both respect and admiration for the other and both were seen as a powerful duo in the Federation politics. The opportunity would also allow Zera Nuru to add foreign relations on her own growing political resume. Perhaps Defar's second presidential first was being the first president of a political party, the first president of the African Social Democratic Federalist Congress or Federalist. The first ten years of the Defar administration was primarily spent on internal affairs. Though Defar did increase Federal security for fear of international terrorism, Defar primarily focused on those issues which she had campaign on. There were several social policies she hoped to enact during her time in the Presidency including new tax increases and a minimum wage law which would guarantee wages for the most disadvantaged in the Federation. The tax increases which Defar pushed for were designed to put more money into several social programs that had been created in the Federation for the worse off citizens. Defar's budget sought to increase the national healthcare program's budget by 10 million as well as increase tax exemptions to the private healthcare companies. To do so Defar proposed an increase of federal taxes, an increase of only 2.50 credits. Though minor, the increase would provide a tax revenue of millions. Though healthcare and certain welfare programs were high on the list of beneficiaries to the budget, education was also set to benefit significantly with lower costs for university tuition. Though Defar had believed her election as president was a sign of broad support by the Federation for her budgetary beliefs, she found increased skepticism and debate about her budget by her growing opposition, the African Populist Progressive Libertarian Congress. Fiscal conservatives, the Populists such as future political opponent Senator Gervais Bukindu of Rwanda, believed that the president's budget requests, though meant with good intentions, were unreasonable for the growing Federation. They believed that the budge fell short in terms of true infrastructure improvements and more importantly defense spending given increased violence globally and the threat of international terrorism. For the remainder of her first term, budget battles and other opposition would plague Defar as she attempted to enact any sizable change in the Federation. In fact, by the end of her first term as she sent to run for re-election, many called her more of a steward of the Federation than that of a leader and a progressive force for the nation. Going into her bid for re-election the Defar administration recognized that their campaign was an uphill battle. Though the Federation was the first African nation, under her presidency, to sit on the rotating council of ICON, the Federation had done little to advance its cause on the ICON forum. It had not stood up to the growing authoritarian regimes in Europe and the Middle East. Domestically, the Federation had also failed to negotiate a peace between the Gaedic Caliphate and the Federation's ally, Allajadin. Furthermore the Gaedic Calphate expands dangerously close to the Federation and the Defar administration seemed powerless to stop it. Then there was the Defar budget which had caused endless debate in the Federal Assembly and was only passed after significant cuts were made in order to appease the opposition. What resulted from those compromises was a loss of millions that would have gone to healthcare and education as well as no vote on a federal minimum wage law. However, despite these loses politically, Defar made the argument to the people not about excuses for her failures but instead for her successes. Defar had strengthen ties between the Federation and its allies of Porcu and Libya as well as expanded its ties to other nations such as Allajadin and the Greater Cape. Still, the campaign was not easy for the Defar administration as her opponent, Senator Gervais Bukindu, took every opportunity to exploit the problems of the Defar administration and their handling of national matters. In the end, President Defar pulled off a crushing electoral victory over her opponent, defeating Senator Bukindu 85.7% to 4.3% securing her and her administration a second term. With another five years now secured for Defar and the African Social Democratic Federalists Congress, the administration was now ready to make good on many of its electoral promises. Unfortunately for the Defar administration, the Federation's focus for much of the next five years would be security. One of the first true problems to Federation security came when it was revealed that terrorists from the Middle East had entered the African continent using the Bab El Mandeb bridge, a bridge built between the Federation and that of its ally, Allajadin. The attack was against the Gaedic Caliphate, something the Gaedic government used as an excuse to invade the Sudanese Badlands for which they believed the terrorists were operating from. At home, the Defar administration received wide-spread criticism from the opposition that they had failed to secure the bridge from being used as a conduit of terror. Senator Bukindu was perhaps one of the most outspoken critics of the way in which the administration had handled the bridge. In terms of the region, Defar also received criticism that she'd done little to protect the stability and security of the an area that was very close to the heart of the Federation itself. In the days and weeks that followed Defar and her administration did all they could to control the damage of the attack, they put sanctions of the Gaedic government and eventually negotiated a referendum that would allow the Sudanese people the choice on whether or not to join the Gaedic nation. Though it was a minor success for Defar in her second term she was given little chance to enjoy it. The next security crisis for the Federation came from its neighbor, Shabwah. A divide nation, the leadership of Shabwah began a civil war against opposing tribes and factions to the leadership fo General Suleiman Akima. Leaders in Allajadin called for an investigation for which the Federation sent its own representative along with Allajadin and the Gaedic government. During their tour of Shabwah investigative team's convoy was attack, many died including Federation citizens while others were taken hostage. Outraged, opposition leaders put a bounty of General Akima's head while the Defar administration gave an ultimatum to the General, one in which he refused to meet. Many wondered if the Defar Administration was willing to go to war and to the surprise of many of her opponents, President Defar order troops into Shabwah. The war was quick but costly and in the end the government of Shabwah broke down into tribal communities. Still, Defar approval went up significantly during the last years of her presidency following her successful military campaign in Shabwah. Her final true act as president came when she negotiated better ties between the Federation and Libya, upgrading their regional partnership from that of simply trade partners to that of military allies. In the end, however, Angela Defar fell short of many of her goals at president and unfortunately history will undoubtedly view her more as a steward of the Federation than that of a progressive leader. Though her administration would see the addition of three more stars to the Federation's flag, Zangaro, the Rif, and Somaliland, her Presidency is also accredited with the rise of the opposition and the the growing popularity of the African Populist Progressive Libertarian Congress. She would leave the office of the President in no better shape than the way in which she found it and for some and her party, the African Social Democratic Federalists Congress would have to look to her successor for the progressive change they so desperately sought. =Zera Nuru= Zera Nuru would become the second female president of the Federation of United African Nations as well as the first President to have served in the Federal Secretariat of their predecessor. Though she'd lost her own bid for the presidency to Angela Defar, her work as Defar's Foreign Secretary would boost her political resume and make her a strong candidate the African Social Democratic Federalists Congress could easily run. Though she faced a strong opponent, Senator Gervais Bukindu and the growing popularity of the African Populist Progressive Libertarian Congress, Nuru ultimately came out on top and secured for the Federalists another five years to push the sort of policies Defar had promised almost ten years ago. However, while Nuru had a prosperous and ever-growing Federation to work with, the Federation's long-time ally of Porcu devolved into a Republican vs Nationalist civil war, a war the Federation would be compelled to join and one that would test the presidential abilities of Nuru and her government. The choice to join in the fighting of the Porcu Civil War was a difficult but ultimately none-questionable act for the Federation. Porcu had aided the Federation during the Eritrean Affair and it seemed only natural that the Federation should now aide the Porcu in their time of need. However, given the large about of territory the Republic of Porcu controlled, this seemingly global conflict would prove to be a difficult and long-fought war. Zera Nuru did not wish to be the president that put the Federation in a never-ending war or one that would drag on for years and cost millions in assets both financial and human.